By Gülnur Aybet (auth.)
A eu safety structure after the chilly warfare presents a severe account of the re-projection and redefinition of Western values and defense associations within the post-Coldwar period. this modification is explored in 3 phases. the 1st degree covers the interval 1990-91 and explains the renovation of a `western safety group' inherited from the chilly struggle, via a means of institutional reconstruction principally performed on paper. the second one degree from 1991 to 1992 sees the incorporation of a `purpose' for those associations as a framework for the implementation of collective safety. The 3rd level explores the rising questions of legitimacy surrounding the recent projects of those associations as they turn into embroiled within the struggle within the former Yugoslavia. The precedents of valid intervention in upholding democracy, loose markets and human rights within the post-coldwar period are tested from the views of overseas legislations and Gramscian derived ideas of legitimacy, targeting the recognition of army strength by means of civil society, and the way intervention in those phrases turns into a 'cultural practice'.
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Additional info for A European Security Architecture after the Cold War: Questions of Legitimacy
REGIME THEORY The reason why regime theory is included as a tool of analysis is because it can lend itself as a useful way to analyse security cooperation in Europe in the absence of power as a regulating factor. This becomes relevant in the Theories of Integration 27 post-Cold War environment, and it is necessary to explain the premises of regime theory in this section, before applying them to the subsequent chapters on European security cooperation in the 1980s and the 1990s. Regime theory is a relatively new and complex form of analysis, drawing in elements of functionalism, neo-functionalism and realism.
Power and Interest as Intervening Variables Leaving aside the first approach of the traditional structuralists, which only provides a critique of regime theory, the second and third approaches provide very similar explanations for the creation of regimes and change of regimes. Both these explanations rest on self interest and the distribution of power. 51 From this, Stein concludes that changes in the distribution of power could lead to regime change. However, he also points out that regimes may be maintained even after the interests which gave rise to them are no longer valid.
Whether a government would base its country’s national interests on the welfare of its people in each and every case is debatable. It is hard to see governments consciously and deliberately making a choice which would put welfare interests first and foremost above all their other national interests, such as security and defence. Of course one could argue that the security and defence of a country also constitutes the welfare of its people. But functionalism’s emphasis on the narrow and technical character of the functions to be undertaken by states seems to rule out the subjects of defence and security in the initial phase of integration, as they belong to the realm of high politics.
A European Security Architecture after the Cold War: Questions of Legitimacy by Gülnur Aybet (auth.)